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| Baby Economics | Postmodernism's Take on "Flake" Journalism |
by Christopher Chantrill
June 25, 2011 at 1:31 pm
I WAS TROTTING along the other day, reading The Secret Knowledge by newly conservatized playwright David Mamet, when something pulled me up short. Mamet was explaining his revelation upon reading Friedrich Hayeks The Road to Serfdom... He wrote that there are no solutions; there are only tradeoffs... and that this is the Tragic view of life.
No he didnt, I said to myself. Hayek didnt write about the tragic view of life, not in The Road to Serfdom at any rate. Mamet must have mixed up Hayek with Thomas Sowell.
Now this doesnt really matter, except to government functionaries occupying tenured sinecures at government universities. Who cares about a bit of misattribution among friends? If David Mamet has indeed been burning through the conservative canon with a hard, gem-like flame in the last couple of years, it would be surprising if he hadnt got a few things mixed up. Thats what good editors are for.
But then I ran into Christopher Hitchens waspish review of Secret Knowledge in The New York Times. And he repeats the tragic view error. So now we are getting into the Churchillian problem that a lie gets halfway around the world before the truth gets its pants on. Writes Halfway Hitch, after a swipe at Mamet for not reading Hayeks Why I am Not a Conservative:
Briefly, Hayek identified what he called the Tragic View of the free market: the necessity of making difficult choices between competing goods.
OK, this time I checked out the tragic view with Google Books. There is no discussion of tragic view in The Road to Serfdom. The word tragic appears twice, but not as a Weltanshauung. The Constitution of Liberty? There is one hit for tragic,as in This development is especially tragic. And so on.
Hitch would have known this if he had read, learned, and inwardly digested his Hayek as a young schoolboy in Britain, before he squandered his life chasing leftist chimeras until the day of his 9/11 epiphany. Hed have known that Hayek doesnt go in for ringing phrases and overarching paradigms. In fact, if you mine Hayek for pithy quotes you usually come away empty-handed. Hayek is incapable of making any point in less than a paragraph.
No, the chap with the tragic view is Thomas Sowell. Only he calls it the tragic vision and he has written two books about it. In A Conflict of Visions of 1987 he compared the constrained vision of conservatives and the American Revolution with the unconstrained vision of our liberal friends and the French Revolution. The constrained vision is a tragic vision of the human condition, Sowell explained, and goes on to examine the radically opposed ways in which the two visions look at everything from knowledge to equality, power, and justice.
In 1996 Sowell returned to the topic in the The Vision of the Anointed. Liberals are people with the vision of the anointed. Sensible practical people, like Alexander Hamilton and John Jay in The Federalist Papers, hold the tragic vision. Since Anointed has 31 instances of tragic vision and the book gets an entry in Mamets bibliography, I reckon thats where he read about it. Good for him.
Hitchens does get one thing right. He writes, right off the top, that This is an extraordinarily irritating book. For to like it you would have to be persuaded by Mamets unqualified assertions that the animus of the left against Sarah Palin is her status... as a Worker, or that Marx never worked a day in his life. The value of the book is its fighting words, as in: We will recall that the sibilant in the acronym NAZI stands for Socialist. Or what about this?
Contemporary Liberal sentiment endorses the abrogation or elaboration of law to ensure that no one suffers, but the first and most important task of law in a democracy is... to ensure that no one suffers because of the State. And the simple, tragic truth is that this may be accomplished... only by limiting the States power.
That sort of writing is very irritating, if only to a liberal.
What liberals cant quite get their heads around is the idea that modern conservatism is not the European apology for the old landed elite they want it to be, but a movement of irritating middle-class strivers, people like Reagan, son of the town drunk, Thatcher, daughter of the corner grocer, Sowell, high-school dropout. In fact, modern conservatives look a lot like David Mamet, the smart, tough Jewish kid from Chicago, only without all the f-words.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists, she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican
Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
For [the left] there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in. No-one but the Minister, nowhere but Whitehall, no such thing as society - just them, and their laws, and their rules, and their arrogance.
David Cameron, Conference Speech 2008
Imagining that all order is the result of design, socialists
conclude that order must be improvable by better design of some superior mind.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
But the only religions that have survived are those which support property and the family.
Thus the outlook for communism, which is both anti-property and anti-family, (and also anti-religion), is not promising.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
[T]he way to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
A writer who says that there are no truths, or that all truth is merely relative, is asking you not to believe him. So dont.
Roger Scruton, Modern Philosophy
Paul Dirac: When I was talking with Lemaître about [the expanding universe] and feeling stimulated
by the grandeur of the picture that he has given us, I told him that
I thought cosmology was the branch of science that lies closest to religion.
However [Georges] Lemaître [Catholic priest, physicist, and
inventor of the Big Bang Theory] did not agree with me. After thinking it over he
suggested psychology as lying closest to religion.
John Farrell, The Creation Myth
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe doctors, nothing is wholesome: if you believe the theologians, nothing is innocent: if you believe the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.
Lord Salisbury, Letter to Lord Lytton
In 1911... at least nine million of the 12 million covered by national insurance were already members of voluntary sick pay schemes. A similar proportion were also eligible for medical care.
Green, Reinventing Civil Society
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill