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  An American Manifesto
Thursday May 24, 2012 
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Government and the Technology of Power Disdain for Palin

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Mobs, Lynchings, and Psychos

by Christopher Chantrill
February 13, 2011 at 12:19 pm

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YOU TELL me: is the attempted killing of a member of Congress for the first time in 30 years a reflection on the violence of our political rhetoric, or a reminder of the remarkable peacefulness of modern life?

Our liberal friends like to think of the United States as uniquely violent, primarily because of its racist gun culture. That’s what the recurrent liberal meme of “Violence in America” is all about. But in A Secular Age liberal philosopher Charles Taylor offers the idea that western culture has been rapidly reducing violence over the last millennium, in particular between 1400 and 1800. At the beginning of the period, he writes, things were pretty violent.

Young nobles were capable of outbursts of mayhem, carnivals teetered on the thin line between mock and real violence, brigands were rife, vagabonds could be dangerous, city riots and peasant uprisings, provoked by unbearable conditions of life, were recurrent.

You only have to sample a couple of Shakespeare’s Wars of the Roses plays to realize just how violent, and just how bloody things used to be. Back then, leading politicians did not merely make speeches using battle metaphors; they fought each other to the death in real battles. Now we live in the disciplined society, channeled and regulated by rules rather than the passionate tides of aristocratic pride and dynastic feud. We’ve got to the point where postmodernist Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish makes the disciplined society into something banal and second rate.

It was the Church that led the move away from violence, according to Charles Taylor. It wanted to upgrade everyone’s commitment to Christ, and that meant taming the more violent sectors, in particular the warrior nobles and and the bloody-minded peasants.

Even as late as the American revolution, the patriots could stage a pretty good riot. In the aftermath of the 1775 Boston Massacre, when British soldiers fired on New England colonists, enraged patriots in New York City decided to take the law into their own hands and teach the Tory sympathizers a lesson. So on May 10 hundreds of protesters descended on King’s College (today’s Columbia University) ready to tar and feather the college president, Myles Cooper, a Tory. But the young Alexander Hamilton, a 20-year-old student at the college, held off the crowd on the front steps of the college with a patriotic harangue, while Cooper made his escape out of the back door.

The most notorious form of mob justice in the United States in the years since the revolution was the lynching. The Tuskegee Institute kept statistics on lynchings in the US starting in 1882. As you can see from the chart below, back in 1882, about half the victims of lynching were white, and half were black.

Whites being lynched? Who knew? Lynchings of whites went down to single digits per year by 1910, and black lynching went to single digits per year by 1940, a generation later. Something must be going right when mobs no longer short-circuit the justice system.

Of course, maybe this reduction in violence has nothing to do with a moral movement to reduce violence but merely the fact that, in this prosperous age, few people are desperate enough to resort to violence.

These days we are transfixed, not by the thousands of ordinary murders of nobodies by nobodies, or even race murders, but by spectacular murders committed by disturbed loners. Michael Knox Beran confirms that the awareness of psycho murder is a new phenomenon.

There have been murderers throughout history, but the phenomenon of the lone psychopath intent on cruelty as well as bloodshed seems not to have been remarked until the 1860s.

Horror fiction began with Edgar Allan Poe in the 1840s, and detective fiction with Wilkie Collins and The Moonstone in 1859. The question arises: does the interest in the macabre and in the implausible murders of detective fiction—now dominated by women writers—represent a middle-class appetite for vicarious violence to fill the gap left by the reduction in violence? Is the huge media response to rampage killings a response to the low level of violence in the lives of the educated middle class?

It’s interesting to speculate on this. I suspect that it is only the pacification of society in the last millennium that has allowed the psycho murderer to emerge from a background of ubiquitous violence and become noticeable. It is telling, for instance, that lynchings became a national political scandal at the time of the civil-rights revolution when, the Tuskegee numbers show, the incidents of racial lynchings had already declined by over 90 percent.

After all the scapegoating of the last week is done, the question remains. Is the occasional rampage shooting in a society of 300 million persons a scandal or a wonder?

Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com.  His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.

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 TAGS


Civil Society

“Civil Society”—a complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churches—builds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust


What Liberals Think About Conservatives

[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. “Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists,” she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican


Liberal Coercion

[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State


Moral Imperatives of Modern Culture

These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self


US Life in 1842

Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism


Society and State

For [the left] there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in. No-one but the Minister, nowhere but Whitehall, no such thing as society - just them, and their laws, and their rules, and their arrogance.
David Cameron, Conference Speech 2008


Faith and Politics

As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable... [1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006


Never Trust Experts

No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe doctors, nothing is wholesome: if you believe the theologians, nothing is innocent: if you believe the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.
Lord Salisbury, “Letter to Lord Lytton”


Conservatism's Holy Grail

What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph


Class War

In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, “The Scientist as Rebel”


Government Expenditure

The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America


Conservatism

Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority — the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says ‘we should...’.
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity


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©2007 Christopher Chantrill