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  An American Manifesto
Thursday May 24, 2012 
by Christopher Chantrill Follow chrischantrill on Twitter

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The 100 Hours of Democratic Superstition Reality TV Conducts a Seminar on Racism

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Enough of the 100 Hours Already

by Christopher Chantrill
January 14, 2007 at 11:37 am

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BACK IN THE old days when people took life seriously they didn’t talk about this Hundred Days or that 100 Hours lightly. And they certainly didn’t gin a Hundred Days concept up before the fact.

Napoleon did not issue a press release before the Hundred Days between his escape from Elba and the Battle of Waterloo. And FDR’s 100 Days was not a marketing ploy gussied up before the event. It was only later that people came to refer to the first three months of the 73rd Congress between March and June 1933 as the Hundred Days Congress.

Perhaps you can forgive the Republicans for the enthusiasm of their 100 Days in 1995. They were, after all, assuming the overall majority in Congress for the first time in 40 years. People can get carried away at such moments. And anyway, Speaker Newt Gingrich was a history professor.

History repeats itself, first as tragedy, and second as farce. That was Karl Marx. Although the exact quotation is a bit different.

If we can agree that FDR’s first Hundred Days was a tragedy, because it did not get the United States out of the Great Depression as promised, and that Newt’s Hundred Days was something of a farce, for it really ended up doing nothing about Big Government, what are we to say about the Democrats’ 100 Hours?

Well, it certainly doesn’t rise to the level of farce which is, after all, an honorable theatrical form. How about a trivial distraction? Even the AP is wondering:

The clock is ticking for House Democrats, but it's hard to tell what time it is.

The tragedy of the Democrats (and of their cousins, New Labour in Britain) is that, if they wanted, they could take it all. If they stole the legislative program of the Republicans, fair and square, they could use the eternal support of the marginalized to really lift them out of the squalor of welfare-state dependency.

It’s the sort of prospect that wakes a conservative up in the night with a cold sweat. In the dream the latest progressive Great White Hope, a mixture of the fresh Barack Obama, Bill Clinton, and Ted Kennedy in his prime, booms:

And for the first time in history we will bring true educational choice to every last single mother in America. For years partisan Republicans have sent their children to the wealthy private schools of their choice but stood by while underprivileged mothers were unable to keep their children out of violent, drug infested schools, the product of a selfish system that just doesn’t care!

Or this:

And we will bring genuine wealth to every last family in America. Our program of Social Security reform will reverse decades of mean-spirited Republican privilege. Under my bipartisan balanced budget plan every FICA dollar of every American wage earner will go into her own personal America First Social Security account. For the first time in history the underprivileged will look forward to genuine wealth in their old age. Only Democrats could do it, because only Democrats care.

But they don’t. They can’t. You can see that in the failure of the Third Way. It seemed, back in the heady days of the mid 1990s that Tony Blair and Bill Clinton had found a way of renewing the progressive brand. Third-way government would not need to control and run everything out of a government program. It could do better.

But it didn’t work. It couldn’t. The officers of the progressive cadre--the San Francisco Democrats, the Seattle liberals, and the North London luvvies--just do not understand a world beyond the plodding bureaucratic organization of the welfare state. And why would they? They were raised in government schools; they were educated in government universities or in “private” colleges organized around the pursuit of the almighty government research dollar. Living their lives as tax-money remittance men they care nothing of the risks and uncertainties in every business plan. Economic and cultural Newtonians, they know nothing of the quantum economic dynamics that capitalizes Google at $100 billion and General Motors at $10 billion. (Who does?)

Now that we know that the Pelosi 100 Hours was really just business-as-usual in drag we understand that the Democrats newly on offense are not poised in scoring position on the Republican 35 yard line. They are just first and ten on their own 20 yard line and perfectly content to execute plays, as Rush Limbaugh likes to say, out of a 30 year-old play-book.

But that means that the political future of this great nation is wide open, if we have the courage to grasp it.

Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com.  His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.

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 TAGS


Civil Society

“Civil Society”—a complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churches—builds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust


What Liberals Think About Conservatives

[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. “Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists,” she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican


Liberal Coercion

[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State


Moral Imperatives of Modern Culture

These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self


US Life in 1842

Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism


Society and State

For [the left] there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in. No-one but the Minister, nowhere but Whitehall, no such thing as society - just them, and their laws, and their rules, and their arrogance.
David Cameron, Conference Speech 2008


Faith and Politics

As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable... [1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006


Never Trust Experts

No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe doctors, nothing is wholesome: if you believe the theologians, nothing is innocent: if you believe the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.
Lord Salisbury, “Letter to Lord Lytton”


Conservatism's Holy Grail

What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph


Class War

In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, “The Scientist as Rebel”


Government Expenditure

The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America


Conservatism

Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority — the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says ‘we should...’.
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity


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©2007 Christopher Chantrill