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| $10,000 Checks Won't End the Plague of Truculence | 3 Dollar Gas. An Opportunity |
by Christopher Chantrill
April 16, 2006 at 8:14 am
THIS WEEK EVERYONE is tut-tutting about the French and the Italians. Again. The privileged youth of France refused to take a baby step away from their current guarantee of lifetime employment towards the cruel world of employment-at-will. So the government of Prime Minister and poet Dominique de Villepin did the poetical thing. It caved.
Meanwhile the Italians voted to return to pure welfare state policies. The center-left coalition of Romano Prodi promises to gut parts of the “Biagi” law that allowed an explosion in temporary and part-time work.
The French disease and the Italian disease issue from the same disease vector. The governments of both nations gave the voters economic privileges that could not be sustained. You cannot offer people lifetime employment unless you allow employees to allocate the risk of their employment onto other people. It is relatively easy for governments to do this with government employees. They pay the government employees out of taxes and if the employees actually catch a criminal or educate a child, well, that is a windfall. It’s all perfectly harmless until the disease breaks out of government and infects the entire working population.
Of course the European disease is not confined to Europe. New York and New Jersey are doing their best to emulate the politics and economic sclerosis of Old Europe. In Prince of the City Fred Siegel shows just how selfish and mean-spirited a politics the iron triangle of government workers, liberal interest groups, and machine politicians has created for New York City. Now New Jersey, once a middle-class refuge from New York big government, is going the same way according to Steven Malanga in City Journal.
How is it possible for such a corrupted politics to continue, unreformed and unashamed? Charles Murray offers a clue in Losing Ground. In the mid 1960s the political elite rushed to meet to the challenge of Michael Harrington’s The Other America, and solve the problem of 50 million forgotten Americans with a vast War on Poverty. Yet by the end of the 1960s program evaluations were demonstrating that the war wasn’t working. People in government, in Washington DC, saw the numbers and they knew it had all been a waste.
Yet half a century later these failed programs are still broadly in place. How could this be?
The missing link, of course, is power. Liberals leaped to implement the Great Society programs because the programs would give them power and jobs. And the programs would create client groups dependent upon them. Why would they volunteer to dismantle their power and turn away their squawking dependents? Of course their ears are deaf to reform. Of course they scream “they are coming for the children.”
We will never reform the political elite. But what about the dependents?
Canadian philosopher Mark Steyn has identified the problem. “A government big enough to give you everything you want, once you get used to that, it can’t persuade you to give back anything in return.”
In that notable sociological tome The Millionaire Next Door Thomas J. Stanley and William D. Danko explain why. They call it Economic Outpatient Care (EOC). They are referring to a syndrome among adult children of wealthy parents. EOC recipients tend to work less and consume more than people who live without parental subsidy. They are dependent on their parents, and—here is the key—they have more fears and worries than the confident people who live independent of parental EOC.
It all sounds just like the situation in Old Europe. Although the students of France and the electorate of Italy and Germany may seem truculent, demanding their rights on the streets of their ancient cities, in reality they are faking it. Underneath all the bravado they are afraid. They are afraid that when the “economic outpatient care” of the welfare state is removed, they may not be able to make it on their own.
There is no mystery about how to cure France and Italy and Germany, or even New York and New Jersey. Anyone with half a brain knows what to do. As the Economist (sub reqd) reminds us, in 1979 Britain suffered from the British Disease, yet Thatcherite reforms ushered in two decades of growth. In 1980 the United States suffered from economic malaise; now its cowboy economy is the envy of the world. In 1982 the Netherlands suffered from the Dutch Disease. In 1987 Ireland was collapsing into economic crisis. In 1990 it was Finland. In all these cases pro-market reforms transformed basket cases into economic powerhouses.
The question is: how do we get the patients of Old Europe to take their medicine—to face their fears and overcome them?
Perhaps we should teach them about Manliness, Harvey Mansfield’s virtue of developing “confidence in the face of risks.”
Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Freddy Arbuthnot
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
Civil Societya complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churchesbuilds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust
Tear down theory, poetic systems… No more rules, no more models… Genius conjures up
rather than learns… Victor Hugo
César Graña, Bohemian versus Bourgeois
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State
When we began first to preach these things, the people appeared as awakened from the sleep of agesthey seemed to see for the first time that they were responsible beings...
Finke, Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
A writer who says that there are no truths, or that all truth is merely relative, is asking you not to believe him. So dont.
Roger Scruton, Modern Philosophy
As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable...
[1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006
At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing
But the only religions that have survived are those which support property and the family.
Thus the outlook for communism, which is both anti-property and anti-family, (and also anti-religion), is not promising.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says we should....
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity
Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill