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| Liberal Privacy vs. Conservative Transparency | Supreme Court Hearings: Law vs. Rights |
by Christopher Chantrill
January 01, 2006 at 2:10 pm
THE FEDERAL government just released its decennial literacy survey, “A First Look at the Literacy of America’s Adults in the 21st Century,” (pdf) and the results are not good. About 13 percent of adult Americans are “below basic” in literacy and the results for 2003 haven’t changed much since the previous comprehensive survey taken in 1992.
But perhaps the most startling result is that only about 15 percent of Americans are rated “proficient,” that is to say possess the skill of “comparing viewpoints in two editorials” or “computing and comparing the cost per ounce of food items.” Is that all, after 150 years of public education?
Imagine you were a crusty conservative back in 1840 on a platform in Boston with Horace Mann, father of the “common school,” and you stood up to reply to his prophecy that “if the Common School be expanded to its capabilities... then nine tenths of the penal code would become obsolete.” Suppose you retorted that by the turn of the 21st century violence in the schools would be commonplace and that less than a fifth of Americans would ever become truly proficient in reading and writing, even if if the nation spent five percent of the national income on childhood education. You can imagine the scorn that would be poured on you from the assembled Boston Brahmins. The very idea!
Yet that is what has happened. Over the past century and a half we have made it as easy as possible to acquire literacy. We have made education “free.” We have made it compulsory. We have extended childhood into young adulthood. We have built schools: one room schools, big schools, open-plan schools, factory schools. Yet today, after all that effort and expense, Americans considered in their mass are not that interested in literacy beyond a basic ability to read, write, and figure. Maybe Americans are telling us something. Maybe they are telling us that our current education system doesn’t really deliver much in the way of economic benefits to the average person.
So how did we get the vast education system that we don’t seem to value very much?
There have been five eras in modern American education. The story starts in the era of happier times at the turn of the nineteenth century, when the United States had a population with 90 percent literacy and a hodge-podge system of education. It included “old-field” community-run schools in rural areas, city academies for the towns and charity schools for the poor. American parents controlled the education of their children.
But the Unitarians at Harvard College saw that this disorganized system was insufficient and ushered in the second era of education. With front-man Horace Mann they promoted and established a “common school” system organized and directed at the state level and funded with tax monies. By the Civil War this system was widespread in the North.
The third era was a build-out period in which the period of compulsory schooling was slowly extended, including the expansion of the American high school to enable all students “under the leadership of friendly and large-spirited men and women... to become socially and serviceably efficient,” as Arthur Call put it in 1909.
Then came the fourth, progressive era, in which the elite consciously sought to mold the system to meet the needs of its own children rather than other peoples’ children with John Dewey’s system that emphasized problem solving and critical thinking skills over training and drilling in basic and necessary skills.
Lastly, we come to the present NEA era in which the schooling of children has become hostage to the interests of the education producers—teachers, managers, administrators, and support staff.
We can see in these five stages a life trajectory from childhood innocence, youthful exuberance, mature institution building, to a slow collapse of idealism into self-centered rent seeking that has slowly hardened into the truculence of the rich, aging patriarch.
It is hardly surprising that this rigid, top-down system has failed to deliver results. Rigid, top-down very seldom does. As it begins to break up we self-governing Americans need to think about what should replace it. We could build a modern, flexible system that responds to the needs of education consumers rather than education producers. We could sweep away compulsory attendance. Then we could kick out the troublemakers. We could relax child-labor laws so that teenagers could combine work and education. We could encourage the business sector to increase internships and take direct responsibility for the education of their future employees. We could celebrate diversity not just in race but in types of schools: big-box schools, boutique schools, factory-outlet schools, organic schools.
Chances are that it would all work pretty well, and liberals would hate it.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists, she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican
[T]he way “to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,”
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300–301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
[T]he Liberal, and still more the subspecies Radical... more than any other in these latter days seems under the impression that so long as he has a good end in view he is warranted in exercising over men all the coercion he is able[.]
Herbert Spencer, The Man Versus the State
[In the] higher Christian churches… they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill