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  An American Manifesto
Tuesday February 7, 2012 
by Christopher Chantrill Follow chrischantrill on Twitter

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MIDDLE CLASS

Contents

Chapter 1

Chapter 2

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

Chapter 10

Chapter 11

Chapter 12

Chapter 13

Chapter 14

Chapter 15

Bibliography

Chapter 13:
Repairing The Road

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The problem with public education is that its supporters fail to differentiate between society as a spontaneous order and government as an organization.  Wanting to socialize children to be worthy and useful members of society, they propose that society establish norms about how to socialize children.  Then they jump to the conclusion that only government can implement social policy.  They lack the vision to understand that social and cultural policy is much bigger than any government and much more complex.  In a spontaneous order like a human society, social and cultural norms form out of and dissolve into the words of thousands of commentators and millions of listeners.  Public opinion is like a cloud, with no real beginning and no end, a vague form sometimes more, sometimes less than the sum of its parts. 

What the advocates of public education fear, of course, is that the end of the “common school”—by which they mean the government-run school system—would result in a balkanization of society, and an increase in child neglect.  They fear that the diversion of children from government schools into class, race, and religiously segregated schools will ultimately break the social fabric if different sub-cultures educate their children in separatist ghetto schools that foment hatred and exclusion.  They fail to establish whether this is more divisive than the present system, the one that Andrew Coulson showed forces parents into conflict.   Whether it was the early public schools forcing the Protestant Bible onto their students, or French state schools favoring republican or royalist views according to the whim of the government, or traditionalist parents protesting whole language reading programs, “government-run systems …have been the chief cause of school conflict throughout history.” (Coulson 1999 p319) Government schools force parents to fight with each other for control of the one-size-fits-all school curriculum. 

Public school advocates also worry about the fitness of parents to direct their children’s education, given the lack of involvement of parents in the activity of their children in their local public school.  But why should parents try to involve themselves in a system that does not give them control over the school their children are assigned to, over the type of education their children receive, and which can use the power of the state to compel attendance?  Parents do get involved when they get a chance to make a difference.  The record shows that when government actively discouraged education in England in the early nineteenth century, literacy was increasing rapidly, and many poor parents were willing to sacrifice so that their children could acquire literacy and numeracy in the local village school.

Parents struggling on the red/blue transition want basic literacy and numeracy for their children.  Parents in the lower middle class like Mary Johnston want their children to go to “the best schools, first grade through college.”  Upper class parents want their children to go to a selective college, or they want them to rise above ticket-punching careerism and learn to develop a true devotion to the global community.  Different parents want different schools for their children.  And why not?  There is no body of research that compares class or race origin with type of school and educational outcome.  There is no body of research that compares the agendas of parents with the agenda of education experts and compares the educational outcome.  Instead the anecdotal evidence indicates that experts should not be trusted.  They backed school busing to achieve racial balance.  They backed whole language over phonics instruction.  They relaxed discipline and stood by as violence in schools increased.  Given the mediocre results of the government school system in the past century there is no compelling reason why parents should not be given control of their children’s education and permitted the freedom that a barely lettered mother enjoyed in the mid-nineteenth century: the right to send her child to the school of her choice.  And this is to ignore the issue of government involvement in religious or moral education, which is inherently problematic, and the issue of school discipline, which, if administered by government officials acting under the color of compulsory attendance laws, inevitably raises civil liberties issues.

There is no reason why the need and desire of red/blue parents for education in the basics and in discipline need disadvantage orange and green parents who want and need other educational alternatives for their children.  All that is required is to give parents the right to send their children to the school of their choice.  All that is required is for orange and green parents to release their stranglehold on the politics of education, to practice the tolerance they preach, and allow a little diversity to bloom.

The third component to a strong and durable road to the middle class is the experience of living under law.  Law is the drainage system for the road, unremarkable but vital.  Until it rains, the ditches and culverts along a road seem meaningless.  But when it rains, the drainage protects the road from washouts, and keeps the water table down to protect the road-base from liquefaction and frost heaving.  So it is with the law.  Until conflict arises it seems meaningless and superfluous.  But when conflict occurs, law guides it into storm channels, and protects society from an inundation of passion.


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Click for Chapter 14: The Problem of Power

 

Your comments are welcome. Please e-mail to Christopher Chantrill at mailto:chrischantrill@gmail.com, and take the RMC test here.

©2005 Christopher Chantrill

 TAGS


Action

The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness... But to make a man act [he must have] the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action


Chappies

“But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.”  —Freddy Arbuthnot
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison


China and Christianity

At first, we thought [the power of the West] was because you had more powerful guns than we had. Then we thought it was because you had the best political system. Next we focused on your economic system. But in the past twenty years, we have realized that the heart of your culture is your religion: Christianity.
David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing


Churches

[In the] higher Christian churches… they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm


Civil Society

“Civil Society”—a complex welter of intermediate institutions, including businesses, voluntary associations, educational institutions, clubs, unions, media, charities, and churches—builds, in turn, on the family, the primary instrument by which people are socialized into their culture and given the skills that allow them to live in broader society and through which the values and knowledge of that society are transmitted across the generations.
Francis Fukuyama, Trust


Class War

In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, “The Scientist as Rebel”


Conservatism

Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority — the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says ‘we should...’.
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity


Conservatism's Holy Grail

What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph


Conversion

“When we received Christ,” Phil added, “all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.”
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh


Democratic Capitalism

I mean three systems in one: a predominantly market economy; a polity respectful of the rights of the individual to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and a system of cultural institutions moved by ideals of liberty and justice for all. In short, three dynamic and converging systems functioning as one: a democratic polity, an economy based on markets and incentives, and a moral-cultural system which is plural and, in the largest sense, liberal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism


 

©2007 Christopher Chantrill