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| Solzhenitzyn Can't Take US Hegemony | Orientalist Bernard Lewis at 90 |
by Christopher Chantrill
April 30, 2006 at 3:46 pm
HE WAS A GOVERNMENT price controller, a Harvard professor, a public intellectual, a writer of best-sellers, and the face of liberal economics. He was John Kenneth Galbraith and we shall not see his like again.
In the 1950s he taught liberals how to sneer at the American middle class with his best-seller The Affluent Society. In The New Industrial State he taught how General Motors and corporations like it ran the world. In American Capitalism he advanced his ideas of the corporative state as the balance between “contervailing powers” of business, labor, and government.
If you read the appreciative obituary in the London Times you will learn that he was a genius who offered insights into the economy. If you read Ambrose Evans-Pritchard in the Daily Telegraph you will learn that
"He is one of those unfortunate people who lived long enough to see his ideas discredited," said Doug McWilliams of the Centre for Economics and Business Research.
In his heyday in the 1960s and 1970s he was the voice of enlightened liberalism. He was always ready with an acerbic sound bite to put down the conservative line, and liberals basked in his talent and his brilliance. His best-sellers flowed out, one after the other, confirming for liberals everything they knew, or would have known if they had thought about it.
On occasion Galbraith would debate with William F. Buckley, Jr. as Mr. Liberal against Mr. Conservative. They were well matched, each with an arrogant presence that satisfied their supporters and enraged the opposition.
Democrats sorely miss his presence on the team, as an all-rounder who could think, write, and perform on TV, and pitch their ideas like a pro.
It was doubtless his authority that encouraged Democrats to believe that Reaganomics would never work. But as the old corporative world of big business vs. big labor gave way to the global economy where rent-seeking corporations and labor unions had no place to hide, his ideas began to lose their lustre.
Despite the power of Galbraith’s prose the economy is not a simple narrative of business vs. labor with noble government in between. It is far bigger than that, and far more fascinating.
But it is a world in which liberals are much less important than they would like to be.
Sphere: Related Content |Christopher Chantrill blogs at www.roadtothemiddleclass.com. His Road to the Middle Class is forthcoming.
[W]hen I asked a liberal longtime editor I know with a mainstream [publishing] house for a candid, shorthand version of the assumptions she and her colleagues make about conservatives, she didn't hesitate. Racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice fascists, she offered, smiling but meaning it.
Harry Stein, I Can't Believe I'm Sitting Next to a Republican
Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
For [the left] there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in. No-one but the Minister, nowhere but Whitehall, no such thing as society - just them, and their laws, and their rules, and their arrogance.
David Cameron, Conference Speech 2008
Imagining that all order is the result of design, socialists
conclude that order must be improvable by better design of some superior mind.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
But the only religions that have survived are those which support property and the family.
Thus the outlook for communism, which is both anti-property and anti-family, (and also anti-religion), is not promising.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
[T]he way “to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,”
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300–301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
A writer who says that there are no truths, or that all truth is merely relative, is asking you not to believe him. So dont.
Roger Scruton, Modern Philosophy
Paul Dirac: When I was talking with Lemaître about [the expanding universe] and feeling stimulated
by the grandeur of the picture that he has given us, I told him that
I thought cosmology was the branch of science that lies closest to religion.
However [Georges] Lemaître [Catholic priest, physicist, and
inventor of the Big Bang Theory] did not agree with me. After thinking it over he
suggested psychology as lying closest to religion.
John Farrell, The Creation Myth
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe doctors, nothing is wholesome: if you believe the theologians, nothing is innocent: if you believe the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.
Lord Salisbury, Letter to Lord Lytton
In 1911... at least nine million of the 12 million covered by national insurance were already members of voluntary sick pay schemes. A similar proportion were also eligible for medical care.
Green, Reinventing Civil Society
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©2007 Christopher Chantrill